By: Kaavya Nag
TheCopenhagen-minus-two round of climate negotiations
came to a close last week, on 9th October. Complicated as
multilateral negotiations are, this one was particularly successful in
spreading some serious despondency. This was particularly so because many big
hopes had been reserved for the Bangkok talks.
The
As far as
the negotiation process, it was hoped that a massive negotiating text would be
seriously edited in the eleven days (and nights) of negotiations. As far as
ambition and political will go, it was hoped that the highest level lobbying by
Ban ki-Moon at the UN Secretary General’s climate summit would push political
leaders to scale up their ambition, put finance on the table, and some targets
to reduce industrialized country emissions for a post 2012 agreement. But also
that these political statements would be converted into negotiating text.
Within a
few days of the negotiations commencing, it was clear that negotiators did not
have a mandate from political up-aboves to move on any of the big stumbling
blocks. There was still a massive silence on the scale of finance that
industrialized countries would put on the table, on the nature of the financial
architecture, on their emission reduction targets up to 2012. Therefore, they
did not have the mandate to cut down any text. Progress on substance was
minimal, all text is still bracketed (and that means it is still to be edited)
– an estimated 2500 brackets (possibly more) are said to be in the current
text.
To make
the waters murkier, new proposals and text continue to be put forward, when
realistically speaking there is little time even to whittle down what text is
already in hand. However, the nature of this process is that it is
Party-driven. So Parties are allowed to make it as messy as they want to, or as
neat as they prefer. New ideas on the nature of a post 2012 agreement are also
on the table. Some Parties have suggested that the Kyoto Protocol be done away
with (the only legally binding agreement to ensure that industrialized
countries meet their commitments), and that the architecture and legal
framework of Kyoto be taken into a new Copenhagen outcome. Opposing this is most
developing country Parties that categorically do not want the Kyoto to die, and do not want a watered
down deal in Copenhagen that does away with international
legal commitments and brings down the level of ambition.
What Copenhagen holds, only December knows. Will
we get a Greenwash, Failed or an Above-Expectations ambitious deal? Will there
be a political declaration or a legal framework? Will the United States come on board? Will the scale of
finance be announced? Will developed country Parties agree to deep cuts in
emissions by 2050, without heavy dependence on offsets? Will key developing country
Parties agree to ‘significant deviation from business as usual’ by 2050? Will
technology transfer and capacity building be made accessible and affordable?
Should
individual Parties stall domestic action until a multilateral deal gets done?
If history is any precedent, countries must not wait to action their domestic
plans. International finance may take many years to come, by which time enough
damage will have been done to deplete state coffers significantly.
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